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Gustavo de Arístegui: Geopolitical analysis of June 1

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  1. Brève introduction 
  2. Israel intensifies its incursion into Lebanon: capture of Beaufort Castle
  3. Kuwait under Iranian fire: new violation of the truce
  4. The Indo-Pacific is rearming: the Shangri-La Dialogue and Washington’s strategic failure
  5. Colombia: second round between De la Espriella and Cepeda on June 21
  6. The flea hole: Washington urgently fills a strategic breach
  7. Revue de presse
  8. Éditorial 

Brève introduction 

The most urgent theater of operations remains the Middle East, where the Israeli offensive in southern Lebanon reached a decisive milestone with the capture of Beaufort Castle, while the fragile truce between the United States and Iran is crumbling in Kuwait under fire IRGC ballistic missiles and drones.

In the Indo-Pacific region, the arms race between regional powers is accelerating in the face of uncertainty over Washington’s strategic resolve, and Japanese Defense Minister Shinjiro Koizumi showed unusual frankness during the Shangri-La Dialogue in Singapore by reversing the Chinese accusation of “new militarism” and directly pointing the finger at Beijing’s expansionism.

In Latin America, Colombia held the first round of its presidential election yesterday, with a result which suggests an uncompromising duel between the right of Abelardo de la Espriella and the left of Iván Cepeda’s Historic Pact for June 21.

And on the geostrategic and technological level, Washington has just hastily closed a legal loophole which, for almost a year, allowed Chinese companies domiciled outside China to acquire the most advanced artificial intelligence chips in the world, a negligence – or a calculation error – to the potentially historic consequences. Here are six hot news stories that this analyst dissects below:

Israel intensifies its incursion into Lebanon: capture of Beaufort Castle

Faits 

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu on Sunday ordered the deep advance of Israeli troops into southern Lebanon, in direct violation – or, if you prefer, in provocative ignorance – of the ceasefire proclaimed on April 17. As part of this offensive, the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) captured Beaufort Castle, a 12th-century Crusader fortress on a steep hill overlooking the Litani River, approximately 9 miles from the Israeli border, Near Nabatie, one of Hezbollah’s major strongholds.

The Israeli army raised its flag on the medieval tower, where also flew the standard of the Golani Brigade, an elite unit charged with strong symbolism in Israeli military history. Netanyahu called the operation a “decisive turning point” in the campaign against Hezbollah, recalling that in 1982 the castle was the scene of one of the bloodiest battles of the First Lebanon War.

According to Lebanese government data, the Israeli incursion since March 2 has left more than 3,370 dead and displaced more than 1,250,000 Lebanese. Israel claims to have eliminated, since the start of “Operation Roaring Lion”, around 3,000 members of the terrorist organization Hezbollah, including 700 in the last month alone.

The IDF also carried out operations in the coastal area of ​​Tyre, destroying weapons storage facilities and terrorist command centers. France called for an emergency meeting of the United Nations Security Council, and Germany and the United Kingdom expressed “deep concern” over the extension of the ground offensive.

Implications 

The capture of Beaufort Castle is neither a purely aesthetic episode nor a propaganda gesture, even if it has an undeniable symbolic dimension: it is the concretization of an operational doctrine that Israel has applied since the start of the conflict with Iran in February and which consists of depriving Hezbollah of its dominant positions on the ground in order to guarantee, when a real diplomatic agreement is finally concluded, that the terrorist organization can no longer constitute the threat it represented before October 7, 2023.

The crossing of the Litani – the historic red line whose crossing was the unachieved objective of the Second Lebanon War of 2006 – means that Israel has now achieved what it had not achieved at the time: control of the heights that Hezbollah used as a firing platform. The international reaction – condemnatory in Paris and the Security Council, more lukewarm in Washington, where President Trump reiterated on Sunday his support for Israeli “freedom of action” – reproduces the usual pattern: The international community raises its voice when the images are striking, but it lacks coercive instruments, or political will, to curb an actor who acts with the conviction that his existential security is at stake. The direct meeting between Lebanon and Israel planned at the State Department on June 2 and 3 is uncertain, because Beirut can hardly sit at the negotiating table as long as the Israeli army continues to advance.

Perspectives and scenarios

Scenario A (55% probability): Israel continues to exert military pressure while maintaining an open diplomatic channel, using pressure on the ground to force concessions on Hezbollah’s deployment north of the Litani River. Negotiations are delayed, but not completely broken down.

Scenario B (30% probability): the expansion of the offensive and the convening of the Security Council generate sufficient diplomatic pressure on Washington to impose a pause, without leading to an Israeli withdrawal.

Scenario C (15% probability): the Israeli advance provokes an escalation of Hezbollah in northern Israel which goes beyond the current framework and once again drags Lebanon into a spiral of generalized destruction.

Gustavo de Arístegui: Geopolitical analysis of June 1
An Israeli flag and a Golani Brigade flag fly at Beaufort Castle, seen from Marjayoun, southern Lebanon, June 1, 2026 – PHOTO/ REUTERS

Kuwait under Iranian fire: new violation of the truce

Facts

At dawn on June 1, Kuwaiti air defenses intercepted ballistic missiles and drones launched by the IRGC, in the latest episode of an escalation that the US Central Command (CENTCOM) called a “blatant violation of the ceasefire.” The IRGC has confirmed that it attacked an air base used during the US attack on Sirik Island in Iran’s Hormozgan province. HAS

The chain of retaliation is as follows: the United States carried out several attacks this weekend described as “self-defense” against Iranian military targets – including missile launch sites and ships laying mines in the Strait of Hormuz – after the destruction of a drone American in international waters. Iran responded by launching five drones into the vicinity of the strait and firing a ballistic missile at Kuwait, which was intercepted. CENTCOM said the Iranian strike on Kuwait took place hours after US forces neutralized five IRGC drones and prevented the sixth strike from a ground control center in Bandar Abbas. HAS

Simultaneously, and with diplomatic audacity bordering on imposture, Washington and Tehran continue to negotiate a sixty-day extension of the ceasefire and the opening of talks on the Iranian nuclear program. Iran insists that any deal must include a cessation of Israeli operations in Lebanon.

Implications 

Since the start of the conflict, the jihadist oligarchy of Tehran has practiced a two-pronged tactic: it negotiates with one hand and shoots with the other. This duality is not a temporary tactic; it is the natural expression of a regime which lives on permanent tension and which sees diplomatic dialogue as a means of gaining time, and not as a path towards lasting peace. The extension of the ceasefire and the nuclear talks are not a sign of moderation — moderates do not exist within the IRGC triumvirate composed of the commander-in-chief of the Revolutionary Guard, General Vahidi, the secretary of the National Security Council, the General Zolghadr, and the military advisor to the Guide of the Revolution and puppet of the IRGC, General Mohsen Rezaei, who systematically block the President of the Islamic Republic, devoid of any real authority and power, Dr Masoud Pezeshkian – but due to the fact that Iran needs time to rebuild its degraded capabilities and maintain the threat to the Gulf. HAS

Kuwait, whose sovereignty is repeatedly violated by a regime that some analysts inexplicably persist in justifying, expressed its most energetic condemnation and reaffirmed its right to self-defense. The fact that the Trump administration continues to negotiate under fire reveals that Washington is prioritizing de-escalation over accountability, which in the short term is understandable, but sets a very dangerous precedent for impunity for behavior Iranian.Â

Perspectives and scenarios

Scenario A (50% probability): the extension of the ceasefire is signed in the coming days with minor concessions on both sides, but the exchange of blows continues at low intensity, according to the pattern of “war of variable intensity” that we have described.

Scenario B (40% probability): escalation in Kuwait and pressure from the IRGC make prolongation impossible and the conflict returns to a phase of greater intensity. HAS

Scenario C (10% probability): A genuine agreement includes Israel and Lebanon, which – given current dynamics – proves almost impossible in the short term.

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Kuwait’s ambassador to the United Nations, Tareq MAM AlBanai, addresses the General Assembly to address the failure of the Security Council – REUTERS/ SHANNON STAPLETON Â

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Kuwait’s Ambassador to the United Nations, Tareq MAM AlBanai, addresses the General Assembly on the failure of the Security Council – REUTERS/ SHANNON STAPLETON  

The Indo-Pacific is rearming: the Shangri-La Dialogue and Washington’s strategic failure

Faits 

The Shangri-La Dialogue in Singapore – the most influential security forum in the Indo-Pacific – has dominated the strategic agenda for the past forty-eight hours. On this occasion, the Japanese Minister of Defense, Shinjiro Koizumi, rejected with unusual energy the Chinese accusation of “new militarism”, reversed the argument by emphasizing that it is China which possesses “a huge arsenal of nuclear weapons and bombers “, and affirmed that Beijing’s external behavior and military activities “are a matter of serious concern for Japan and the international community.” Koizumi noted that, for the second year in a row, Chinese Defense Minister Dong Jun refused to attend the forum, thereby depriving the region of a vital communication channel. HAS

At the same time, a Reuters report – widely reported by the Financial Times, the Nikkei Asia Review and the Atlantic Council – describes how the nations of the Indo-Pacific region are accelerating their rearmament and weaving a network of bilateral and multilateral defense agreements in the face of to uncertainty about the solidity of the American strategic commitment. Japan adopted its biggest overhaul of arms export rules in decades in April, lifting historic restrictions on the foreign sale of warships, missiles and military equipment. The Philippines strengthens its cooperation with Japan, Australia, Canada and New Zealand. Taiwan has committed to reaching 5% of GDP spent on defense by 2030. The Trump administration’s National Defense Strategy 2026, while affirming the goal of deterring China, introduces what analysts at the Indo-Pacific Studies Center characterize as ” “structured ambiguity of the Indo-Pacific”: in practice, it does not resolve the question of when and with what intensity the United States would act in the event of a conflict.

Implications 

The systemic rivalry between the established power – the United States – and the rising power – China – with incompatible models of international order – the Thucydides Trap so lucidly described by Graham T. Allison – produced, in the Indo-Pacific, a paradoxical consequence: the relative distance from the American guarantee does not generate capitulation, but accelerated rearmament and new security architectures which do not depend exclusively on Washington. Japan, which has made constitutional pacifism an identity characteristic for eighty years, is becoming at astonishing speed the pivot of the regional security network and a net exporter of defensive capabilities. HAS

China’s repeated absence from the Shangri-La Dialogue – where its interlocutors should be the natural recipients of any “community of shared destiny” project – reveals that Beijing does not rely on arguments, but on the balance of power. China has no real allies, only transactional partners; Russia and Iran are partners of convenience, not allies in the full sense of the term. HAS

The policy of “small garden, high fence” in matters of critical technologies practiced by Washington is a reasoned response to the Chinese strategy of control of raw materials, rare earths – with a share of 75 to 80% of world production and 95% of refining capacity – and strategic supply chains. Without forgetting its effective control of a significant part of the sources of raw materials of great strategic importance, uranium (by replacing Canada and France in the Sahel), lithium (by controlling a good part of the supply of the lithium triangle in Latin America), copper among others, and the fact that it continues to extend its tentacles of influence towards other theaters of increasing importance in Africa and Asia (lithium from Afghanistan, for example).

Perspectives and scenarios

The trend towards regional rearmament is irreversible in the medium term, whatever the direction of American policy. The question is not whether Indo-Pacific allies will arm themselves, but whether they will do so in a coordinated manner — with the United States as the strategic pivot — or in a disorganized manner, which would significantly reduce the effect dissuasive. The upcoming QUAD summit (United States, India, Japan, Australia) and the evolution of AUKUS (strategic agreement between the United Kingdom, the United States and Australia relating first to the supply, then to the construction of nuclear submarines for Australia) over the coming months will be the barometer of this cohesion.

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Gurkha soldiers patrol near the headquarters of the IISS “Shangri-La Dialogue†security summit, held in Singapore – REUTERS/ EDGAR SUÂ

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Gurkha soldiers patrol the grounds of the IISS ‘Shangri-La Dialogue’ security summit in Singapore – REUTERS/ EDGAR SU 

Colombia: second round between De la Espriella and Cepeda on June 21

Faits 

The Colombian presidential elections of May 31 gave rise to a first round in which no candidate managed to obtain the absolute majority required by the 1991 Constitution.

With 99.43% of the polling stations counted, Abelardo de la Espriella – criminal lawyer from Barranquilla, candidate of the Defensores de la Patria movement, openly displaying his sympathy for Donald Trump and Nayib Bukele – obtained 43.72% of the votes, or approximately 10.3 million votes. Iván Cepeda – long-time senator, candidate of the Pacto Histórico (movement between the radical left and the far left) of the former terrorist and guerrilla Gustavo Petro – obtained 40.92%, or approximately 9.6 million votes. HAS

The participation rate rose to 57.84%, higher than that of the first round of 2022. The second round of the presidential election will take place on June 21. The differences between the two candidates are fundamental: De la Espriella defends a policy of iron fist in the face of organized crime and subversion, the revision of the peace agreements and a turn to the right in matters of foreign policy; Cepeda embodies the continuity of the so-called reforms of the Petro government and its orientation towards an increasingly radicalized left which, in certain respects, has strained relations with the United States and the productive sectors of the country.

Implications 

Colombia is South America’s third-largest economy and the United States’ strongest traditional ally in the region. The result of the second round will have direct consequences on the policy of combating drug trafficking – Colombia remains the world’s leading producer of cocaine –, on relations with Venezuela and the Venezuela of the sinister brothers Delcy and Jorge Rodríguez – heirs of Chavista narcoterrorism –, and on the Colombian position vis-à-vis the process of peace, which the Petro government has managed with a permissiveness that many analysts consider unacceptable. HAS

A victory for De la Espriella would mean a major strategic shift in Latin America, with Colombia firmly aligned with iron fist politics and the network of right-wing and center-right governments that has regained ground in the region. A Cepeda victory would represent the consolidation of a left bloc – Colombia, Venezuela, Bolivia, Cuba, Nicaragua – on the northern flank of South America, with all that this implies for regional stability and Western interests, not to mention the economic results disastrous situation of radical left and far left governments, as fanatical on the ideological level as they are cosmetically incompetent in the management of states and their economies.

Perspectives and scenarios

The polls which preceded the first round were not correct as to the real differences, which requires caution in any projection. De la Espriella benefits from the advantage of the candidate who won the first round and from the energy generated by the vote for change; Cepeda has the machine of the Historic Pact and the possibility of attracting the votes of the candidates eliminated from the so-called “progress”, which is nothing other than the regression and economic implosion of the failed models of the left of Latin America and the rest of the world. Everything points to a very close second round. The three-week campaign which opens will be decisive. HAS

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Colombian presidential candidate Abelardo de La Espriella, of the Defensores de la Patria political movement, gestures while addressing his followers after knowing the results of the first round of the presidential elections, in Barranquilla (Colombia), on May 31, 2026 – REUTERS/ CHARLIE CORDERO

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Colombian presidential candidate Abelardo de La Espriella, of the political movement Defensores de la Patria, gestures while addressing his supporters after the announcement of the results of the first round of the presidential elections, in Barranquilla (Colombia), May 31, 2026 – REUTERS/ CHARLIE CORDERO 

The flea hole: Washington urgently fills a strategic breach

Faits 

The US Department of Commerce published an emergency directive on Sunday, May 31 – with a binding clarification value – imposing a licensing requirement for the export of advanced artificial intelligence chips to any entity having its headquarters or parent company in China, regardless of the physical location of the subsidiary. buyer. HAS

This measure fills a gap (a legal loophole) that existed since May 2025, when the Trump administration – in one of its most questionable commercial deregulation impulses – decided not to apply the “AI Diffusion Rule” promulgated in the last days of the Biden administration. This rule governed global access to AI chips. It is deeply shocking that this rule has not been applied at all without being replaced by another equivalent standard; the department thus involuntarily created the possibility for subsidiaries of Chinese companies established in third countries – Malaysia, Singapore, Vietnam – to acquire without a license the most advanced processors from Nvidia (Rubin, Blackwell) and AMD (MI350x). HAS

A supply chain expert with direct knowledge of the situation estimates that during the year the breach lasted, hundreds of thousands of units were exported. Chris McGuire, a former State Department official specializing in technology policy, called the situation a “HUGE problem,” noting that “Chinese companies have been buying these chips, most likely on a large scale.” The American official remained well short of reality: this is a strategic catastrophe of the first order which means that the Chinese are able to build AI models capable of competing in terms of real capabilities with the Americans, without forgetting an even more serious aspect, namely that the Chinese engineers can reverse engineer and copy the world’s most advanced chips. All this is the result of an incomprehensible administrative error and not industrial espionage.

Implications 

This episode illustrates with painful clarity the main flaw in the Trump administration’s technology policy: the coherence between the discourse on systemic rivalry with China – which this analyst shares in its foundations – and the practice of regulation is intermittent, erratic and, sometimes, downright counterproductive. Closing China’s access to next-generation AI chips is a top strategic priority: Taiwan produces 90% of the world’s advanced chips, and control of this technology is a determining factor in the race for supremacy in in terms of artificial intelligence, which will mobilize investments estimated at $600 billion in 2026 from major American cloud computing providers alone. With DeepSeek, China has a benchmark for competitiveness in the field of AI with fewer resources, making Chinese access to cutting-edge American hardware even more dangerous. The damage caused by a year of breach is difficult to quantify and probably impossible to repair when it comes to chips already exported. The “small garden, high fence” policy only works if the fence is actually erected.

Perspectives and scenarios

Sunday’s clarification is necessary but insufficient without a systematic review of distribution chains and without an end-user verification mechanism (final recipient verification) operating in third countries. Congress and several “think tanks” – CSIS, IISS, RUSI – have warned of the vulnerabilities of the export control regime. Pressure for stronger law reform will intensify in the coming weeks. HAS

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NVIDIA logo – REUTERS/ DADO RUVICÂ

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The US Department of Commerce on Sunday, May 31, issued an emergency directive – legally binding – imposing a licensing requirement for the export of cutting-edge artificial intelligence chips on any entity whose headquarters or parent company is in China – REUTERS/ DADO RUVICÂ

Revue de presse

Today’s press review reflects coverage overwhelmingly focused on the Lebanese front and the Iranian situation, with a notable presence of the Indo-Pacific debate in the major Anglo-Saxon and Asian dailies.

Médias anglo-saxons 

Reuters and the AP provided the strongest agency coverage of the storming of Beaufort Castle, with direct statements from the Israeli military and Prime Minister Netanyahu, as well as international reactions. The Times of London and the Daily Telegraph reflect the clash between Trump’s stated support for Israeli “freedom of action” and the growing unease among European allies. The Guardian, faithful to its editorial line, published articles critical of the Israeli operation from the point of view of international humanitarian law and its impact on the Lebanese civilian population. The Wall Street Journal and the Financial Times focus their analyzes on the consequences of Indo-Pacific rearmament on regional balances of power and on the economic impact of the escalation in the Strait of Hormuz on oil prices. The Economist Intelligence Unit raises its estimate of geopolitical risk in the Middle East to its highest level since October 2023.

Médias français et européens 

Le Monde and Le Figaro report in detail the decision of the French government to convene the Security Council and the condemnation expressed by President Macron in the face of the “unacceptable escalation” in southern Lebanon, a country towards which France has a historic responsibility and an active military presence within UNIFIL. The FAZ and Die Welt report the German government’s “serious concern” about the Israeli advance, while demonstrating a greater understanding of Israel’s security objectives than that expressed by the French press. Liberation publishes a report on the displacement of Lebanese civilians which humanizes the cost of the operation. La Croix and Le Point offer complementary perspectives on the implications for UNIFIL’s mission.

Middle Eastern Media

Haaretz openly criticizes Netanyahu’s strategy, emphasizing that the operation in Lebanon is taking place without a credible plan for the post-conflict. The Jerusalem Post and the Jerusalem Times reflect the triumphalist tone of the Israeli government and public support for the operation. Al Jazeera and Al Arabia provide in-depth coverage of the attack on Kuwait and Iran’s ceasefire violation, with a particular focus on condemning Kuwait. An-Nahar from Beirut and L’Orient Le Jour express the anguish of Lebanese society in the face of a new spiral of destruction. Asharq Al-Awsat and Arab News reflect Saudi Arabia and Gulf countries’ concerns over regional stability. Al-Quds Al-Arabi covers the Palestinian dimension of the conflict. The Polish Gazeta Wyborcza and the Finnish Helsingin Sanomat – a country particularly sensitive to Russian aggression – underline the parallels between Israeli expansion in Lebanon and the doctrine of fait accompli on the ground.

Asian and Indo-Pacific media

The Shangri-La Dialogue dominates coverage in Singapore’s Yomiuri Shimbun, Japan Times and Straits Times, which report in detail on the exchanges between Koizumi and Chinese officials. The South China Morning Post and the China Daily reflect the Chinese version – “the international community must contain Japanese neo-militarism” – while the Times of India and the Hindustan Times emphasize India’s role as an indispensable balancing power in any regional security architecture. WION, the Indian international news channel, highlights the dynamism of defense relations between New Delhi, Tokyo and Washington. The Indian Express publishes an analysis on the implications of solving the AI ​​chip shortage for the Indian technology industry, which could benefit from the reorientation of supply chains.

America and Latin

ClarÃn de Buenos Aires, El Mercurio de Santiago and Reforma de Mexico provide in-depth coverage of the results of the first round of the Colombian elections. ClarÃn underlines the turn to the right embodied by De la Espriella and his sympathies for Bukele and Trump; Reforma analyzes the implications for regional politics of a possible defeat of the historic Pact. Infobae, in its editions intended for the entire region, offers the most detailed monitoring of the preliminary counting of the Colombian elections.

« Think tanks » et publications universitaires 

The Atlantic Council releases a collective analysis of how Indo-Pacific allies view National Defense Strategy 2026, with contributions from its experts in the Philippines, Japan, Australia and India. The Munich Security Conference, in its February report, had already reported the budgetary acceleration in terms of defense in Japan, South Korea, Taiwan and the Philippines. CSIS warns of vulnerabilities in microchip export control regime. The RUSI and the IISS are revising upwards their assessment of the risk of direct confrontation in the Indo-Pacific region. Foreign Affairs publishes an article on Thucydides’ trap in the context of Asian rearmament. HAS

Éditorial 

There are days when the world leaves you no choice but to look away. This June 1, 2026 is one of them. The six news items that make up this report are not unrelated phenomena: they are facets of the same systemic divide which simultaneously affects the security order, the technological order and the international political order. And what concerns this analyst most is not the seriousness of each crisis taken separately – which is already great – but the inability of the international system to manage them in a coordinated manner.

Let’s start with Beaufort Castle. The fact that Israel took a 12th-century Crusader fortress and raised its flag there speaks volumes about the state of mind of a nation that has been in constant combat for more than two years. Netanyahu speaks of a “dramatic turning point” and he is right on a military level: crossing the Litani and taking control of the heights is a real operational success. What Netanyahu lacks – and what no Israeli government since Rabin has had with sufficient clarity – is the plan for tomorrow. Haaretz’s warning is relevant and does not come from enemies of the State of Israel: what will happen when Israeli troops dismantle Hezbollah’s terrorist infrastructure in southern Lebanon? Who will fill this void? A Lebanese army that has never been capable of deploying south of the Litani? UNIFIL, which has demonstrated for twenty years its inability to fulfill the mandate of the Security Council? The lack of answers to these questions constitutes the structural weakness of a strategy that is brilliant on the military level but incomplete on the political level.

As for Iran, the jihadist oligarchy of Tehran – which some analysts, with a naivety or complicity that defies reason, persist in calling “theocracy” – continues to play the oldest and most cynical card in the regime’s playbook : the double track. It attacks Kuwait with ballistic missiles while its representatives negotiate an extension of the ceasefire in Washington. She threatens the Strait of Hormuz while accepting that oil flows in dribs and drabs so as not to break dialogue with Trump. The IRGC triumvirate – Vahidi, Zolghadr, Rezaei – is neither moderate nor negotiator: it is a survivor. And the survivors of a regime structured around threat and violence understand only one language: the balance of power. For the United States to continue negotiating under fire without imposing commensurate costs for ceasefire violations is, at best, short-term pragmatism and, at worst, an incentive for the jihadist oligarchy to continue attacking with the certainty that there will be no decisive reprisals.

The debate on the Indo-Pacific during the Shangri-La Dialogue was, on the other hand, one of the most enlightening moments of the week. Koizumi said loudly what many silently thought: that China’s accusation of Japan’s “new militarism” is a projection – almost Freudian in its transparency – of Beijing’s own expansionist ambitions. The fact is indisputable: China has “an enormous arsenal of nuclear weapons and strategic bombers”; Japan, whose Constitution still constitutionally limits the use of force, took eighty years to reach the 2% of GDP devoted to defense that NATO has been recommending for decades to its European members. The fact that Beijing has its Defense Minister absent for the second consecutive year from the most important forum in the region says a lot about its conception of multilateral diplomacy: the negotiating table only interests them when they have the advantage. When they don’t have it, they don’t sit down.Â

Colombia, finally, deserves a paragraph that goes beyond electoral analysis. The May 31 result is not just the victory of one candidate; it is the reflection of a society tired of a government that has confused peace with impunity and reforms with disorder. De la Espriella made it to the second round because millions of Colombians decided that the experience of the historic Pact – with its permissiveness in the face of organized crime, its lukewarmness towards Venezuelan Chavismo and its anti-institutional rhetoric – has too much cost. high for a country that deserves better. The June 21 runoff is not just the election of a president: it is, to a large extent, a decision on the model of country Colombia wants to be in the next decade and on its position on a continent where the battle between liberal democracy and authoritarian populism (far left and far right) is far from being settled.

And regarding artificial intelligence chips, just a thought: when the world’s leading power, the one that has built its leadership on its ability to innovate and protect its technological advantages, leaves open for a year a breach allowing its main strategic rival to buy hundreds of thousands of the most advanced semiconductors in the world. planet, we are not facing a bureaucratic error: we are facing a failure of strategic governance of first importance. The “small garden, high fence” policy does not work if whoever manages it leaves the back garden gate open. Sunday’s correction is the correct one. She arrives too late. And we don’t yet know the real price of this year of neglect.