In a widely overlooked speech outside the Brussels bubble on Monday, March 9, the President of the European Commission appeared to bury international law and multilateralism, now deemed as outdated and unmistakably obsolete: “We must determine whether the system we have built – with all its well-intentioned attempts at consensus and compromise – is more of a help or a hindrance to our credibility as a geopolitical actor.”
Presenting several key changes she wanted to make to the European Union’s foreign policy to Union ambassadors worldwide, Ursula von der Leyen emphasized the necessary evolution of the relations the Union should have with its foreign partners: they must no longer be guided by principles and values but by Europe’s interests – a model akin to that advocated by Donald Trump for the United States.
She also expressed a desire to end the European rule of unanimity in foreign and security policy of the Union to lift the constant blockages from certain countries, particularly Hungary.
Given by a personality who, by the terms of the treaties, has no legal competence in foreign policy and security matters, this speech stirred a great deal of emotion within the Union’s institutions as well as member states. It was notably at the center of debates during a plenary session of the European Parliament on March 11 in Strasbourg.
The speech is presented here in its entirety, commenting on the main passages.
Dear Kaja,
Madam Secretary-General, dear Belén,
Excellencies,
Ladies and Gentlemen,
It is a pleasure to see so many of you again in this room. And I would like to start by thanking all those who couldn’t be here in person and pay tribute to them. I think in particular of the personnel posted throughout the Middle East who work around the clock to bring European citizens home, to liaise with our allies and partners in the region, and to ensure the security of our own staff and their families. You represent the best within our diplomatic corps and the excellence of Europe.
I begin with the Middle East – not only because of the gravity and rapidity of the conflict on the ground, but also because of what it tells us about the world, and about Europe and its foreign policy.
You will hear different views on whether the conflict in Iran is a war waged by choice or by necessity. But I believe that this debate overlooks in part the essentials. Because Europe must focus on the reality of the situation, to see the world as it is today.
Let’s be clear: no tears should be shed for the Iranian regime that has inflicted death and imposed repression on its own people: they have mercilessly massacred 17,000 of their own young. This regime has caused devastation and destabilization throughout the region by means of its armed drones and missiles auxiliaries.
Many Iranians, both within the country and around the world, have welcomed the passing of Ayatollah Khamenei, just like many others in the region. They hope that this moment can open the way to a free Iran. The Iranian people deserve freedom, dignity, and the right to determine their own future, even if we know it will be laden with dangers and instability – during and after this war.
In addition to these aspects, we are now witnessing a regional conflict with unforeseen consequences. The repercussions are already a reality today – affecting energy and finance, trade and transport, or the displacement of people. British military bases have been targeted in Cyprus – with whom I wish to reaffirm our full solidarity. NATO troops have been called upon to shoot down a drone. Our citizens are caught in the crossfire. Our partners are under attack – and I have been in contact with many of them throughout the region to express our solidarity and support.
The longer-term impact of this conflict poses existential questions. On the future of our rules-based international system, or on how Europe can remain united in these situations. All this shows how precarious the global situation is today, how diverse the threats are, and how Europe will always be affected by what happens in the world.
Therefore, the idea that we can simply retreat and withdraw from this chaotic world is simply a mistake. I believe it is essential to understand this as we approach defining our foreign policy for the year ahead.
Excellencies,
Throughout this year’s conference, you will hear many descriptions of the state of the world. Whether it’s about middle powers or multipolar disorder. You will discuss the importance of the rules-based international system, and of the urgent need to reform it. You will exchange ideas on national security and economic security.
All of this will feed into our work, especially in the context of the new European security strategy that we are working on with the High Representative and our diplomatic service. But at the same time, these attempts to label today’s world hide two tangible and structural realities that are far more important for Europe.
The first is that Europe can no longer be the guardian of the old world order, of a world that has disappeared and will not return. We will always defend and uphold the rules-based system we helped build with our allies, but we can no longer rely on this system as the sole means to defend our interests or assume that its rules will protect us from the complex threats we face. We must therefore carve out our own European path and find new ways to cooperate with our partners.
The second reality is that we need to take a clear and attentive look at our foreign policy in today’s world, both in terms of how it is conceived and how it is implemented. We need to urgently reflect on whether our doctrine, institutions, and decision-making processes – all designed in a post-war world characterized by stability and multilateralism – are still in line with the rapid changes happening around us. We must determine whether the system we have built – with all its well-intentioned attempts at consensus and compromise – is more of a help or a hindrance to our credibility as a geopolitical actor.
I know this is a tough message to hear and a difficult conversation to have. But I also know that many of you have felt this tension in your daily work. The fact is that if we think – as I do – that we need a more realistic foreign policy focused on our interests, we must be able to implement it. And this is a central aspect of my message today.
Excellencies,
Europe has made great strides in this direction in recent years. We have become more adept at using our strengths in the service of our interests: whether it’s our market, our commercial footprint, or our levers of economic security.
We have shown firmness when our Member States were challenged, as was the case for Denmark with Greenland. We are investing in our internal democratic resilience to counter the manipulation of information by foreign powers. And above all, we have launched a generational project: European independence.
Our goal is to become more resilient, sovereign, and powerful, from defense to energy and critical raw materials to strategic technologies. Your work to deepen and diversify our partnerships around the world, as well as to reduce risks, is invaluable in this regard.
This is what independence means in today’s world: not depending on a single supplier for our vital resources such as energy, defense, semiconductors, vaccines, clean technologies, or raw materials. That is why we must establish new relationships with reliable and trusted partners. This is an area where you have already invested a lot, from trade agreements to security partnerships that you have helped to conclude. This is already making a real difference.
But we must go further. We must be ready to project our power more assertively. For example, to counter foreign aggression and interference with all the tools at our disposal, whether economic, diplomatic, technological, or military. Or by being much more pragmatic when it comes to our global trade exchanges.
In my travels, I have discussed with many of you who have raised the same point: Europe must go on the offensive and start seizing the opportunities that arise.
Nearly two-thirds of global growth comes from countries other than the United States or China. Countries from all continents are seeking their place in the world. They do not seek to be part of any sphere of influence, but simply to thrive and be sovereign. That is why they are diversifying their trade relations, as they too guard against dependencies.
From Central Asia to the heart of Africa, from Latin America to Southeast Asia, vast regions are searching for stability and trustworthy partners.
This is our hallmark, what we have to offer. So as we look to the future, we must continue to seize these opportunities, placing our interests at the center of our actions.
And there are three areas where this is particularly important in my view.
First, security and defense. Peace is central to the European project; it is the core of our treaty and our history. It remains a permanent mission for each and every one of us.
To seek peace in today’s world, Europe must be able to project its power – to exercise its deterrent and defense capabilities and increase its influence. In short, we need to invest in measures to protect our territory, economy, democracy, and way of life. All these imperatives will feature prominently in the new European security strategy.
We must incorporate security issues into all our strategic means and policies. In fact, security must become the organizing principle of our action, the default mindset in defense, data, industry, infrastructure, technologies, or commerce.
Of course, we are not starting from scratch. We have done more for defense in the past year than in the decades before. We have initiated a surge in defense spending, which will reach 800 billion euros by 2030.
Our Member States are increasing their investments to record levels. The message is clear: peace and security in Europe depend on us, and we take full responsibility for it.
But being autonomous does not mean being alone. We also want to collaborate with trusted partners around the world. This is the fundamental idea underlying our security and defense partnerships with countries around the world.
We have welcomed Canada into our SAFE program. We plan to integrate our value chains in the defense sector with India. And we are making progress in our work with Australia.
Our Union has never before engaged in such security and defense cooperation. Some may say that we are leaving our comfort zone. Others argue that we should focus only on what happens within our borders. But the threats we face come from all directions and domains, whether space or cyberspace. That is why this truly multidimensional approach to our security must continue to guide our actions.
The fact is that the world around us is changing at incredible speed, and now Europe is changing too.
Excellencies,
When we talk about security, we cannot ignore Ukraine, a proud European nation that continues to fight for our freedoms, both as a future member of the Union and as Europe’s frontline in defense. The message I want to convey here is clear: Europe will always stand by Ukraine’s side – regardless of the evolution of events elsewhere.
We all want this horror and bloodshed to end. And no one desires peace as much as the Ukrainian people. But the end of the war must not carry within it the seeds of future conflicts. And that is what occupies us day after day – with Ukraine and our partners – to ensure Ukraine true security sustainably. To ensure complete, fair, and lasting peace.
What Ukraine needs now is primarily sustained financial support. That is why we proposed a loan of 90 billion euros to finance Ukraine’s needs. You have all seen the difficulties we faced in getting this loan approved – even after obtaining consent from the 27 leaders.
This brings me back to the question I raised earlier about the ability of our system to still function effectively. But I can assure you that we will keep our commitments because what is at stake is our credibility – and more importantly, our security.
The same logic applies to enlargement. The question of how to ensure that this merit-based process delivers results quickly has been the subject of much debate. But it is of the utmost importance that we stand ready, ensuring that the Western Balkan countries, Moldova, and Ukraine come closer to our Union right now.
Enlargement is not an ideological issue – it is a matter of common interest and security for Europe. And we must be ready to meet the challenge when the time comes.
Excellencies,
The second priority is investments and trade relations with the world. Indeed, commercial exchanges are not just a matter of economy but a matter of power.
You all know the list of trade agreements we have concluded because you have contributed to them. We started with Mexico, Switzerland, and Indonesia. Then came Mercosur, after 25 years of unsuccessful attempts, followed by India, the mother of all agreements. Next, it will be Australia’s turn.
And it won’t stop there. The world wants to trade with Europe. Whether it’s the Philippines, Thailand, Malaysia, the United Arab Emirates, or the five countries of East and Southern Africa, our commercial network has never expanded so rapidly. And, let’s remember, we act not out of ideology but to deliver results for European families, businesses, and industries. Because open markets and reliable value chains strengthen our economy. And because a stronger domestic economy makes us stronger in the world.
For example, we are diversifying our value chains for semiconductors and clean technologies with countries like India. We are diversifying our supply of critical raw materials by importing from Latin America, Australia, and elsewhere. The network covered by our agreements represents almost 50% of global GDP and encompasses over half of our continent’s commercial exchanges. Consequently, our companies can have predictable and rules-based commercial exchanges with more than half the planet.
We want to extend this community even further, notably by cooperating with the 12 members of the TPTGP – the trans-Pacific partnership agreement. Indeed, there is a major economic interest in trading and investing worldwide.
Think about the “Global Gateway” initiative. Some four years after its launch, we have already exceeded our initial goal of mobilizing 300 billion euros. And I am confident that we will surpass 400 billion next year because there is a demand for European investments everywhere in the world.
The reason is simple: when we invest in clean value chains in North Africa or the skills necessary for mineral processing along the Lobito Corridor, in digital connections along the India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC), or in local pharmaceutical industries in Africa and the Caribbean, it is absolutely clear that both parties will benefit.
Europe gains from strengthening supply chains, while our partners benefit from sustainable investments in local infrastructure, skills, and jobs. These are permanent jobs in new local industries, creating new markets for local businesses as well as for ours.
This is a working model. And that is why in the next EU budget, we have proposed a 75% increase for the “Europe in the world” financing mechanism. The message is clear: the “Global Gateway” initiative only generates mutual benefits and allows us to develop partnerships and projects that advance our values.
Consider, for example, strategic projects such as the Trans-Caspian transport corridor. At first glance, its purpose is to bring the overland route between Central Asia and Europe from 30 days to 15. But that is not its only goal. This corridor will also connect formerly hostile countries in the South Caucasus to Europe.
And just as coal and steel united Europe after World War II, this new corridor can normalize exchanges and cooperation as the norm in a region that experiences tensions and open a path not only to Europe but to peace.
What I want to say is very simple: in this region as well as in Africa or the Middle East, our investments signify that we have leverage and influence means.
If not, just think of the success of the Mediterranean pact, which revitalizes our partnerships throughout the region.
The fact is that we must turn our financial assets into real power so we can concretely change the game. This is what a pragmatic foreign policy guided by our interests can bring to Europe and all our partners around the world.
Excellencies,
Thirdly, I would like to address the issue of our diplomacy and how it can contribute to meeting Europeans’ expectations.
Our membership of the United Nations and its Charter is an integral part of our DNA. With the Member States, we make the most significant contribution to the United Nations system year after year.
You all know why. In a world where conflicts are increasing, we need a rules-based system of global governance. Of course, the United Nations system also needs rethinking. And when traditional formats prove ineffective, it falls upon us to find creative ways to solve the most serious crises of our time.
Europe has always been willing to test new diplomatic formats – whether it’s the Quartets, contact groups, or regional initiatives. That is why we will continue to seek ways to work together to fulfill our responsibilities and respond to our most urgent priorities.
I think in particular of the reconstruction of Gaza and peace for Palestinians and Israelis. Each new initiative should complement the United Nations – not compete with them or replace them.
We have been very clear about this from the start, and it only underlines the importance of our commitment. But Europe cannot shadowbox the world from the wings. We must act to make our voice heard, protect our interests, and, above all, defend our values in all circumstances. Our foreign policy is evolving, but this imperative will never change.
Excellencies,
In conclusion, I acknowledge that today I have omitted to mention many priorities, regions, and countries. It’s not that our work there is less important, but I wished to provide a more general assessment of the situation – and the alternative that is very concretely presented to us. Europe’s foreign policy will always inevitably be subject to geographical and geopolitical conditions. We must accept this state of affairs and acknowledge that we cannot solve all the world’s problems or perfectly reconcile our values and interests in every circumstance.
We can, however, decide on the guiding principles of our foreign policy and how we choose to conduct it. As I said here myself last year, I am convinced that we must defend our interests much more assertively. That is how we will be able to seize the opportunities that present themselves to you daily. But I also believe that we must be critical and honestly ask ourselves if our structures and tools are still fit for their purpose – or for the world today.
The situation in the Middle East did not instigate this reflection. It is actually symptomatic of a broader problem, just like Greenland was and as Ukraine is, and like many other places will be in the coming year. What I mean is that in an era of radical changes like ours, we have a choice – to cling to what made us strong in the past and defend habits and certainties made obsolete by history’s course, or choose a new destiny for Europe.
We can lay the foundations for a foreign policy that makes us stronger at home, more influential internationally, and a better partner for other countries around the world. A foreign policy that forms the pillar of Europe’s independence, protecting our interests and promoting our values. Without nostalgia or regret for the old world, but shaping the one that is to come.
Thank you again for your exemplary dedication, and long live Europe.
