- Brève introduction
- Iran cuts communications with mediators and launches missiles; the United States responds with strikes in Qeshm
- Russia launches largest drone and missile attack in months against Ukraine; at least 22 dead
- The “ceasefire” in Lebanon collapses: Israel advances in the south and Hezbollah continues to attack
- The EU adopts the toughest migration reform in its history: accelerated expulsions and centers outside the Union
- South Korea holds local elections amid regional tension with North Korea
- Rubio appears before the Senate: he draws Washington’s red lines vis-à-vis Iran and defends Operation Epic Fury
- Press review
- Editorial
Brève introduction
The days of June 2 and 3, 2026 are marked by a dangerous convergence of fronts: the jihadist oligarchy of Tehran breaks communications with its Pakistani mediators while launching projectiles against Kuwait and Bahrain – intercepted, but of immense symbolic and intimidating…, which provokes a one-off military response from the United States against installations of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) on the island of Qeshm.
On the Ukrainian front, Moscow launches the largest drone and missile attack in months – 73 missiles and 656 drones in a single night – killing at least 22 civilians and hitting kyiv, Dnipro, Kharkiv and Zaporizhia, in a deliberate escalation that Putin is using to revive his position in the negotiations.
In the Eastern Mediterranean, the truce on paper that Trump hastily announced in Lebanon is collapsing in the face of the Israeli land advance towards the south of the Litani and Hezbollah rockets against Israeli tanks in Hadatha, highlighting the fragility of presidential diplomacy by telephone devoid of any structure of guarantees.
In Europe, the European Union is completing its largest migration reform since the 2024 Asylum Pact, by legalizing “return centers” outside community territory and accelerating the expulsion of rejected applicants. This convergence of crises – none resolved, all interconnected – defines this morning’s geopolitical moment with a clarity that brooks no euphemism.
Iran cuts communications with mediators and launches missiles; the United States responds with strikes in Qeshm
Facts :
The Iranian Fars agency, citing sources close to the regime, reported Tuesday June 2 that Tehran had not exchanged messages with Washington through Pakistani mediators for “several days.” President Trump and Secretary of State Marco Rubio publicly rejected this version, saying that discussions were continuing “without interruption”, with contacts as of Tuesday. Rubio appeared before the Senate Foreign Affairs Committee and clearly defined the US position: Iran must reopen the Strait of Hormuz – announcing it “unambiguously” – commit not to fire on ships and agree to the deactivation of mines posed, as an essential precondition for any lifting of sanctions or the naval blockade.
At the same time, the United States Central Command (CENTCOM) indicated that Iran had fired missiles towards Kuwait and Bahrain; projectiles intended for Kuwait disintegrated in flight, while American and Bahraini forces shot down those aimed at the latter. In response, CENTCOM carried out precision strikes against an IRGC ground control station on Qeshm Island, close to the Strait of Hormuz, where there is also a desalination plant.
Implications :
Tehran’s behavior responds to a logic that this analyst has described since the first days of Operation Epic Fury: the jihadist oligarchy, deprived of the arbiter embodied by Khamenei and trapped in what we have called the paradox of beheading – the triumvirate of IRGC (General Vahidi, head of the IRGC, General Zolghadr, Secretary General of the National Security Council, General Rezaei, Advisor to the Leader of the Islamic Revolution) – these and other leaders of the regime individually lack the ideological authority, hierarchical rank and dominant personality necessary to impose the internal discipline required to accept concessions in negotiations – oscillates between gestures of appeasement and calibrated provocations to gauge the American response and gain time.

The missiles fired against Kuwait and Bahrain were not intended to cause casualties, but to send a signal indicating that Iran retains a projection capacity and that the Gulf front remains active. It is estimated that it still has around 1,000 missiles. The American response to Qeshm – surgical, limited – confirms the threshold policy of Hegseth and Caine: do not re-escalate in an intense manner, but do not ignore the provocation. The nuclear clock continues to tick during the diplomatic standoff.
Perspectives et scénarios :
- Scenario A (probability: 55%): Talks resume in the coming days through the only effective channel, Qatar, with Hormuz as the initial pivot and the nuclear program postponed to a second phase, following the plan outlined by Rubio before the Senate. The IRGC would accept a minimal modus vivendi allowing it to present the ceasefire internally as “victorious resistance”.
- Scenario B (probability: 40%): Iran continues its staged provocations – more missiles, minor naval incidents, activation of proxies in Iraq – with the aim of obtaining concessions before the opening of Hormuz. Trump, under pressure from Congress and energy markets, could accept “ongoing” compromises that the jihadist oligarchy would exploit for propaganda purposes.
- Scenario C (probability: 5%): Complete breakdown and resumption of large-scale military operations, accompanied by a total closure of the Strait of Hormuz, with a catastrophic impact on oil prices and the global economy.
In this photograph released by the United States Navy, a vessel belonging to the Iranian Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) Navy sails very close to the coastal patrol ship USS Sirocco (PC 6) and the expeditionary fast transport USNS Choctaw County (T-EPF 2) in the Strait of Hormuz on Monday, June 20 2022 – PHOTO/ United States Navy via AP
” src=”https://www.atalayar.com/media/atalayar/images/2026/05/29/2026052912341213193.webp”>
Russia launches largest drone and missile attack in months against Ukraine; at least 22 dead
Facts :
In the early hours of Tuesday, June 2, Russia launched 73 missiles and 656 drones (mostly Iranian-made Shahed type) against Ukraine, in one of the most massive air attacks since the invasion began in February 2022. Ukrainian anti-aircraft defense – under the command of General Oleksandr Syrsky – shot down 40 missiles and 602 drones, according to the Ukrainian Air Force. The main targets were kyiv, Dnipro, Kharkiv, Zaporizhia and Poltava. At least 22 civilians lost their lives – six in kyiv and eleven in Dnipro, including a child – and more than a hundred were injured. Kiev Mayor Vitali Klitschko described the attack as “massive.”
In Dnipro, a residential building was completely destroyed. President Volodymyr Zelensky has launched an urgent appeal to his Western allies to unblock the delivery of missiles for the Patriot systems, stressing that the shortage of anti-aircraft defense assets – partly attributable to the diversion of American stocks to the Iranian front — exposes civilians to the Oreshnik hypersonic ballistic missiles that Russia uses with increasing frequency.
Implications :
The scale of the attack is no operational coincidence: Putin needs “good news” from the front at a time when Ukrainian drones are paralyzing Russian supply lines in the occupied territories and attacking refineries in the Krasnodar region. The air escalation serves three simultaneous goals: to exhaust Ukraine’s civilian population, to pressure Western allies into accepting negotiations on terms advantageous to Moscow, and to demonstrate internally that Russia retains the strategic initiative.
Zelensky’s denunciation of the shortage of ammunition for the Patriot highlights a real tension: the war in Iran has exhausted American reserves which, in normal times, would have been sent to Ukraine. Washington is faced with a dilemma of prioritizing the arsenals that its adversaries exploit intelligently.
Perspectives et scénarios :
The continuation of the massive Russian air campaign is practically inevitable in the coming weeks, especially as the diplomatic front with Tehran monopolizes all of Washington’s attention. The possibility that Europe – via NATO’s PURL mechanism – accelerates the supply of anti-ballistic munitions represents the only variable likely to modify the balance of Ukrainian air defense in the short term. Foreign Minister Syriy Sybiha demanded new sanctions against Moscow and the advancement of negotiations for accession to the European Union, two instruments whose deadlines for action are too long to respond to the operational urgency of the battlefield.

The “ceasefire” in Lebanon collapses: Israel advances in the south and Hezbollah continues to attack
Facts :
President Trump announced Monday, June 1, in a direct phone call with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and indirect contacts with Hezbollah through mediators, that the two sides had agreed to a partial ceasefire in Lebanon, with the withdrawal of Israeli troops advancing toward Beirut. Netanyahu confirmed that units heading toward the Lebanese capital had halted their march. However, Netanyahu himself clarified that the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) “will continue to operate as planned in southern Lebanon.” Throughout Tuesday, Israel carried out airstrikes against at least four communities around Nabatieh, injuring two Lebanese Army soldiers, while an Israeli drone flew low over Beirut. For its part, Hezbollah – a terrorist organization serving the Tehran regime – claimed responsibility for a rocket attack on an Israeli battle tank in Hadatha, in southern Lebanon, saying it was fighting “the advance of Israeli forces”. The IDF indicated that it had intercepted two projectiles coming from Lebanon without causing any casualties in their ranks.
Implications :
What Trump presented as a ceasefire is, in reality, a unilateral tactical pause aimed at preventing the Israeli offensive on Beirut from permanently derailing negotiations with Iran – the nuclear objective of diplomacy Netanyahu has not given up on consolidating a permanent exclusion zone north of the Litani River with a continued presence of the IDF, which amounts to a de facto new line of territorial control.
Hezbollah, a terrorist organization financed and directed by the jihadist oligarchy of Tehran, takes advantage of every break to rearm and regroup. Iran, which demands that any agreement with Washington include the cessation of operations in Lebanon, uses the Lebanese front as a bargaining chip in negotiations on the Strait of Hormuz: the two conflicts have merged into one, to the tactical advantage of Tehran.
Perspectives et scénarios :
The current dynamic portends a “variable-intensity war” – small-scale, but highly destructive, that no actor can win or afford to lose – in southern Lebanon, with intermittent truces orchestrated by US pressure and outbreaks of violence led by the Hezbollah. The prospect of a permanent Israeli security zone north of the Litani, with or without a formal UNIFIL mandate, is the most likely scenario six months from now. The risk of escalation towards Beirut remains latent as long as Hezbollah’s command centers south of the capital remain active.

The EU adopts the toughest migration reform in its history: accelerated expulsions and centers outside the Union
Facts :
The European Union has formally adopted a global reform of its migration policy which introduces mechanisms without precedent in the history of the Union: “return centers” in third countries outside the EU – modeled on the Italian-Albanian agreement -, the extension of periods of detention of irregular migrants, accelerated expulsion procedures and, controversially, the authorization for security forces to carry out home searches without a judicial warrant in certain cases.
Only 28% of rejected asylum seekers currently return to their country of origin; the reform aims to reverse this trend. Germany, Austria, the Netherlands, Denmark and Greece are already negotiating with African countries the establishment of the first return centers.
The Executive Vice-President of the Commission, Nicolás Ioannides, justified this measure by stressing that the current situation “seriously erodes public confidence in our common policies on migration”. Human rights organizations such as Amnesty International denounced the reform, comparing it to the Trump administration’s policies on deportations, and warned of the risk of “accountability vacuums” in third countries.
Implications :
It took Europe a decade to get here, after the 2015 migration crisis exposed the structural limits of the Dublin system and the electoral rise of right-wing parties in the Netherlands, Austria, Germany and France forced traditional parties to adopt positions they previously relegated to the periphery of the debate.
The reform comes as irregular arrivals in Europe have declined significantly in 2025 and 2026, suggesting that this decision responds more to internal political pressure than to an immediate migration emergency. The irony – not without meaning – that the EU is adopting mechanisms that European leaders themselves criticized in Trump when he implemented them in the United States reveals the gap between the European discourse on values and the electoral pragmatism.
Perspectives et scénarios :
The effective implementation of return centers will depend on the EU’s ability to negotiate bilateral agreements with countries which do not always have an interest in accepting the return of their nationals. An appeal to the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) is practically inevitable, given the conflict between some elements of the reform and the “return” directive in force.
Politically, the reform will likely curb the rise of ultranationalist parties in several member states in the short term, although the long-term effect will depend on the operational capacity of governments to implement it, which has historically been the Achilles heel of EU bureaucracy.

South Korea holds local elections amid regional tension with North Korea
Facts :
South Korea is organizing the ninth simultaneous local elections in its democratic history this Wednesday, June 3, during which 17 metropolitan governors and mayors, 226 municipal mayors and thousands of provincial councilors are elected. This election, described as “mini-general elections” by the local press due to the institutional scale of what is at stake, is taking place in a context of persistent geopolitical tensions: Kim Jong-un continues his missile tests – including eight consecutive days of firing in April – with nuclear forces in constant modernization, and continues to promote his teenage daughter, Kim Ju Ae, as a possible successor in front of the military cameras.
Furthermore, President Lee Jae-myung – elected in June 2025 after the impeachment of Yoon Suk-yeol – faces his first major electoral test, with the credibility of his Democratic Party at stake. The results of these elections will draw the candidates for the 2030 presidential election.
Implications :
South Korea’s internal political stability is a key strategic asset in the alliance system of the Indo-Pacific region. A significant defeat of the ruling party could weaken Seoul’s negotiating position against Pyongyang and complicate the management of relations with a Trump administration which views the bilateral alliance from an eminently transactional point of view.
The regional context – with China conducting simulated military blockade exercises against Taiwan, North Korea increasing its tests and Japan strengthening its defense budget – makes Korean institutional solidity a factor of prime geopolitical importance.
Perspectives et scénarios :
The outcome of Korea’s local elections will have a direct impact on Indo-Pacific regional politics depending on who controls the major metropolises – Seoul, Busan, Incheon – and the provincial administrations which manage, among other things, civil defense budgets. The analysis of these results, which will be known during the day of June 3, will determine whether Lee Jae-myung consolidates his leadership or if, on the contrary, the conservative opposition begins its recovery in view of the legislative elections which are looming on the horizon.

Rubio appears before the Senate: he draws Washington’s red lines vis-à-vis Iran and defends Operation Epic Fury
Facts :
Secretary of State Marco Rubio appeared Tuesday, June 2 before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee during a session of more than two hours, accompanied by reinforced security protocols due to the presence of demonstrators. Rubio exposed with rare clarity in Trumpian diplomacy the strategic logic underlying Operation Epic Fury: Iran had built a “conventional shield” composed of missiles, drones and naval capabilities to protect its nuclear program from any external action, a posture of ” immunity” that Trump decided to deny him. Rubio called the operation “very successful” in terms of reducing Iran’s ballistic capability, while acknowledging that Tehran “still has many drones” due to the ease of their production.
The Secretary of State defined the three essential elements of the agreement: the reopening of the Strait of Hormuz, a formal commitment to non-naval hostility and mine clearance; nuclear negotiations would be postponed to a second phase. Concerning Cuba, Venezuela and regime change in Iran, Rubio was ambiguous in the face of the insistence of several senators.
Implications :
Rubio’s testimony before the Senate is the most detailed and structured statement that Washington has made on the objectives and conditions of its policy towards Iran since the start of the conflict. His tone – optimistic on the nuclear program, pragmatic on deadlines – suggests that the administration is prepared to accept a minimal agreement on Hormuz, even if the nuclear component is postponed. This is exactly what Tehran has been asking for from the start, which raises the delicate question – which this analyst formulates without a definitive answer – of whether the United States has implicitly accepted the Iranian conditions, deferring the existential question of non-proliferation to a moment of less strategic urgency and, consequently, less pressure in the negotiations.
Perspectives et scénarios :
The contained systemic divide – analytical category which defines the situation between the United States and Iran: neither total war nor stabilized peace, with Hormuz as an adjustment variable – will remain the framework of bilateral relations over the coming months. Marco Rubio is Trump’s most valuable asset in this theater: his knowledge of the region, his bipartisan credibility in the Senate and his ability to translate presidential improvisation into an articulated doctrine constitute the only bulwark against the transactional drift that threatens to transform a conflict with historical consequences into a simple public relations operation.
U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio meets with Emir Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani of Qatar at Amiri Diwan, in Doha, Qatar, September 16, 2025 – REUTERS/ NATHAN HOWARD
” src=”https://www.atalayar.com/media/atalayar/images/2025/09/16/2025091612475812779.webp”>
Press review
Médias anglo-saxons
The New York Times (NYT): A story dominated by the massive Russian attack on kyiv; analysis of Western weariness. Extensive coverage of Rubio’s testimony, with a critical look at Washington’s ambiguity regarding Iran’s nuclear program.
The Washington Post: highlights the breakdown of Iranian communications with mediators; Editorial favorable to Rubio’s approach but critical of the lack of a “post-conflict” plan. Broad coverage of European migration reform.
The Wall Street Journal (WSJ): focus on impact of Hormuz standoff on energy markets; risk analysis for Asian supply chains. Reporting on Iranian Shahed drone exports to Russia.
Financial Times (FT): Economic Perspective of the Strait Crisis; analysis of the implications for European defense budgets after the Iranian conflict. Asian edition: extensive coverage of the Korean elections and their implications for the Indo-Pacific.
The Times (London): Virulent editorial against Washington’s passivity in the face of Russian escalation in Ukraine; questions about the diversion of Patriot munitions towards the Iranian front to the detriment of kyiv.
The Telegraph: Conservative analysis hails EU migration reform as “late realism”. Criticism of Hezbollah and the naivety of those who believed that Trump’s Lebanese “ceasefire” was more than just rhetoric.
The Guardian: Extensive coverage of NGO criticism of European migration reform. Opinion column on the risk that Trump’s “telephone diplomacy” in Lebanon generates false hopes with humanitarian consequences.
Francophone media
Le Monde: Editorial on the Iranian “decapitation paradox” without using the term; analysis of the difficulties of the IRGC triumvirate in agreeing on a negotiated outcome. Wide coverage of migration reform: “Europe on the right”.
Le Figaro: Tone favorable to Israeli operations in southern Lebanon; criticism of the French government for its lack of firm response to the attack on UNIFIL peacekeepers in April. Coverage of the Russian attack on Ukraine emphasizing the inadequacy of anti-aircraft defense.
Liberation: Harsh criticism of EU migration reform; report on conditions in migrant camps in Dunkirk. Coverage of Rubio’s testimony with skepticism about his claims about the success of Epic Fury.
LCI / BFM TV: Continuous coverage of the Russian attack; statements by the French Minister of Foreign Affairs on the need to accelerate aid for anti-aircraft systems to Ukraine.
Médias allemands
FAZ (Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung): Analysis of the implications of European migration reform for German domestic policy; interview with Minister Dobrindt on Berlin’s refusal to welcome more asylum seekers. Coverage of the Ukrainian front with an urgent call to strengthen ammunition supplies.
Die Welt: Uncompromising editorial on Iran: criticizes American ambiguity regarding the nuclear program; defends the need to maintain pressure until verifiable guarantees of non-proliferation are obtained.
Die Zeit: Long reflection on the “Zelensky moment”: the Ukrainian leader in the role of Cassandra ignored as Western attention turns to Hormuz. Analysis of the Kremlin’s authoritarian drift in the context of aerial escalation.
Italian averages
Corriere della Sera: Focus on Italy’s role as a “model” of European return centers after the agreement with Albania. Coverage of the Lebanese conflict with a historical perspective on Italian UNIFIL peacekeepers.
L’Osservatore Romano: Pastoral reflection on the suffering of civilians in kyiv and southern Lebanon; call for dialogue and the protection of international humanitarian law. Editorial silence on Iran, consistent with the Vatican policy of explicit non-belligerence.
Médias arabes et israéliens
Al Jazeera: In-depth coverage of the Israeli attack in southern Lebanon, focusing on Lebanese civilian casualties. Analysis of the breakdown of Iranian communications with the mediators from a perspective favorable to Tehran.
Al Arabiya: Gulf point of view: contained but perceptible concern over Iranian missiles against Kuwait and Bahrain; implicit support for the American response to Qeshm. Coverage favorable to European migration reform.
Jerusalem Post / Yedioth Ahronoth: In-depth coverage of operations in southern Lebanon; analysis of tensions between Trump and Netanyahu regarding the advance towards Beirut. Internal debate on the limits of military operation in the context of negotiations with Iran.
Haaretz: Criticism of the Netanyahu government for advancing in Lebanon without a defined exit strategy; opinion article on the diplomatic cost of operations in southern Lebanon for the Israeli position in negotiations with Washington.
Asharq Al Awsat: Analysis of the implications of the Iranian-American standoff for Gulf stability; article on European migration reform from the point of view of North African countries of origin.
Agences et think tanks
Reuters/AP/AFP: Standard factual coverage from all fronts; Reuters highlights the divergence of stories between Tehran and Washington on the state of negotiations.
RUSI (Royal United Services Institute): Analysis note on the impact of the Iranian conflict on the supply of Patriot to Ukraine: estimates that the United States consumed the equivalent of 18 months of production of PAC-3 interceptors during Operation Epic Fury.
IISS (International Institute for Strategic Studies): Monthly Bulletin: Iran maintains between 1,200 and 1,500 operational Shahed drones despite losses suffered during Operation Epic Fury, which confirms Rubio’s assessment before the Senate.
CSIS (Center for Strategic and International Studies): Analysis of Lee Jae-myung’s first year in South Korea: assessment of his defense policy and implications for the alliance with the United States in the context of local elections.
Editorial
There are days when geopolitics shows its crudest face.
June 2, 2026 is one of them. While in Washington, Marco Rubio tried to infuse doctrinal rigor into a foreign policy that his own president continues to pursue with the impulsiveness of someone who tweets before thinking, the jihadist oligarchy of Tehran demonstrated once again that its only The consistent response to pressure is calibrated provocation: missiles against Kuwait and Bahrain, the breakdown of communications with mediators, the declarations of an admiral on the inevitability of war. This is the pattern of the IRGC, inherited from decades of exporting terror and perfected in the crucible of four decades of sanctions: oscillating between tactical openness and strategic threat, never giving in on the essential, never giving up control of the tempo.
The paradox of decapitation – which I have been describing since the first weeks of Operation Epic Fury and of which it is appropriate to recall the canonical definition: it is not that the moderates were eliminated because there were none; it is that the surviving triumvirate of the IRGC, composed of radicals who share a rank without arbiter between them, individually lacks the ideological authority necessary to impose concessions on its peers — explains with surgical precision the erratic behavior of Tehran in recent hours.
None of the three – neither Vahidi, nor Zolghadr, nor Rezaei – can sign a partial capitulation without becoming the scapegoat of a revolution devoured by its own guardians. This paralysis within power is both the greatest obstacle to peace and the best guarantee that the regime will ultimately implode under the weight of its own internal contradictions. The question is how many civilians – Iranian, Israeli, Lebanese, Kuwaiti – will have paid the price before this collapse occurs.
Meanwhile, in kyiv, residents removed broken glass from their destroyed apartments and firefighters put out fires in a car dealership reduced to rubble by Iranian-made Shahed drones – the same Shahed drones that Tehran’s jihadist oligarchy exports to Moscow so Putin can kill Ukrainians while his Troops are losing ground on the Eastern Front.
The circle could not be more perverse or more revealing of the parasitic and bloodthirsty character of the Iranian regime: incapable of winning its own wars, it finances everything thanks to the terror of others. Zelenski, who has been warning for years against this link without Europe taking it seriously enough, is right when he calls for the delivery of Patriot munitions to be unblocked: every PAC-3 interceptor that has been used in the Persian Gulf is a ballistic missile that has had free rein over a Ukrainian city.
In Lebanon, Trump’s “ceasefire” – obtained at the cost of a presidential tweet – lasted exactly the time it took Netanyahu to remind us that his military objectives south of the Litani are not subject to any agreement or any American reprimand. Hezbollah, a terrorist organization down to the last of its members – neither militia nor armed group, but purely and simply terrorists – continues to shoot because it is its only means of existing. Without the terror it imposes on Israel and on Lebanon itself, it is nothing: neither a legitimate political party, nor a regular army, nor a diplomatic interlocutor. It is the armed arm of a decaying theocracy which finances its survival on the suffering of two peoples.
The European Union’s migration reform deserves a separate analysis, although linked to this global panorama. That Europe has taken a decade to accept that effective return policies require extraterritorial mechanisms – something this analyst has been advocating for years, despite all the discomfort involved in supporting unpopular positions in certain circles – is a further sign of incapacity It is the congenital nature of the 21st century European political class to make difficult decisions before electoral pressure makes them inevitable. It is neither xenophobia nor Islamophobia – these two pathologies are reprehensible and foreign to this editorial line –; it is about the fact that liberal democracies need credible asylum systems and effective return policies to maintain the public legitimacy of reception. Without effective returns, there is no lasting asylum. The European Union understood this late, but it understood it.
I end with a reflection on Marco Rubio, who is today the most important figure in American foreign policy – even more than Trump himself, whose intervention in Lebanon was a new example of diplomacy of exuberance without real operational consequences on the ground. Rubio knows what he does, he knows the region, he understands the logic of non-proliferation and he understands that a minimal agreement on Hormuz without verifiable guarantees on the nuclear program is a strategic failure wrapped in victorious rhetoric.
The problem is that he works for a president whose time horizon ends at the next news cycle. Let us hope that Rubio’s wisdom and American institutional architecture will prevail over the impulses of the occupant of the White House. It would not be the first time that the system has proven to be more solid and resilient than the one who claims to control or submit it.




