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Defence, security, foreign policy and development must be integrated into a unified whole.

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Three major aspects of foreign defense policy.

PV :

Le député Trinh Xuan An : I believe that one of the essential points and a very high requirement set out by the 2nd Conference of the Central Committee is to recognize that national defense, security, foreign affairs and development are no longer separate areas, but must be integrated into a unified vision of national development for the new era.

In today’s global context, where strategic competition between great powers is intensifying, where geopolitical conflicts, trade wars, technological competition, supply chain disruptions and non-traditional security challenges are increasing, maintaining a “national strategic posture” must above all be understood as the preservation of a peaceful and stable environment for rapid but sustainable national development, while preventing the country from falling into a passive or unanticipated state in the face of security threats.

In this general context, defense diplomacy plays a particularly important role, but it should be emphasized that it does not constitute a separate “branch”, but must be part of the overall foreign policy of the Party and the state – i.e. politics independence, autonomy, multilateralism and diversification of international relations; a modern and global diplomacy, deeply rooted in the Vietnamese “bamboo” identity.

Defence, security, foreign policy and development must be integrated into a unified whole.
Trinh Xuan An, Member of the National Assembly and full-time member of the National Defense, Security and Foreign Affairs Committee of the National Assembly.

In my opinion, future defense diplomacy must focus on at least three main areas.

Above all, we must remain an essential instrument of national defense, remotely and by peaceful means. This is an innovative approach to national defense. While in the past, we often only considered protecting our sovereignty once the threat was proven, we must now prevent, anticipate and proactively neutralize external threats at our borders, from their origin, in order to prevent the country from sinking into a crisis. strategic passivity.

Defense diplomacy must contribute to establishing strategic trust, strengthening dialogue, managing disputes, preventing misunderstandings and errors of assessment, and creating stable security zones across the country. For a nation to experience rapid growth, attract significant investments, develop cutting-edge technologies or build modern financial, logistics and industrial centers, a peaceful and stable environment is a prerequisite.

Second, defense diplomacy must contribute to expanding the space for national development. We often think of defense from the angle of protection, but in the current context, it must also contribute to creating a dynamic of development. Defense cooperation should not be limited to military exchanges, but extend to the training of highly qualified human resources, dual-use technologies, cyber security, a modern defense industry, search and rescue operations, as well as response to non-traditional challenges.

The experience of many countries shows that the fundamental technologies underlying civilian development today come from defense research. Therefore, the development of a modern, autonomous and self-sufficient defense industry not only serves national defense, but also contributes to strengthening national technological capabilities and the competitiveness of the economy.

In the current context of deep integration, defense diplomacy is not limited to purely defensive objectives; it must become a pillar of socio-economic development, linking defense, security and foreign affairs. Defense cooperation helps strengthen strategic ties, create a stable environment conducive to investment, trade, infrastructure development, logistics, dual-use technologies and training of high-level human resources, and improve the capacity to respond to risks non-traditional security systems. In other words, strong defense is inseparable from development, but it must support, create and protect the country’s development space.

Thirdly, defense diplomacy must contribute to maintaining the strategic balance in international relations, particularly with the great powers. This is a crucial issue that also requires great strategic insight.

Vietnam remains firmly committed to its “four no” defense policy. While many perceive these “four no’s” as a simple declaration of principle, in reality it is a fundamental strategic choice aimed at protecting national interests in the current context of competition between great powers. This clearly illustrates Vietnam’s consistent position of not taking sides with anyone, but always prioritizing what is right, international law and national interests.

Not taking sides does not mean remaining neutral, nor being ambiguous about national interests. On the contrary, it is a way for Vietnam to preserve its independent strategic space, to avoid being drawn into the whirlwind of competitive confrontation and to develop cooperative relations with all its partners on the basis of equality and mutual benefit.

I believe this is the hallmark of a nation that pursues a mentality of “strategic autonomy” – that is, deep integration without dependence; comprehensive cooperation without sacrificing independence and sovereignty; and strong openness while always maintaining self-determination on national issues strategic.

Sailing Ship 286 – Le Quy Don – docked at Chuk Samet Port, Sattahip Naval Base during a visit and exchange between the Vietnamese People’s Navy and the Royal Thai Navy. Photo: qdnd.vn


A clear change in approach, moving from a “reactive” approach to a “proactive and constructive” approach.

PV :

Le député Trinh Xuan An : In my opinion, several key points deserve to be highlighted.

First, current thinking on defense and security has evolved considerably, moving from a “reactive” to a “proactive” approach to security. Instead of waiting for threats to appear before dealing with them, we must anticipate them, identify them remotely and implement multi-layered defenses spanning the physical, economic, technological, data and cyber spaces.

Second, the notion of national security is much broader today. An energy shock, a large-scale cyberattack, data manipulation, a logistical disruption or a supply chain crisis can have just as serious security consequences as traditional threats. Therefore, national security must be viewed as an integrated system encompassing defence, security, foreign affairs, economy, science and technology, and development.

Third, from the perspective of “bamboo diplomacy”, I believe that discipline, certainty and strategic coherence are essential. Bamboo is flexible without being fragile; adaptable without being capricious; able to withstand strong winds, but its roots must be strong, its trunk robust and its principles clear.

In today’s world of rapid change and uncertainty, stability of strategic thinking, discipline in policy implementation and consistency of messaging in foreign and defense policy are key factors in building international trust and strengthening internal power of the nation.

Finally, I believe that the new concept of national defense and security today is not limited to “defense of the country” in the traditional sense, but also aims to protect a peaceful and stable environment conducive to national development, to maintain the confidence of the people, to preserve initiative strategic and to lay the foundations of Vietnam’s aspiration for rapid and sustainable development in this new era.

Colonel Kongkrit Homtalop, Commander of Chuk Samet Port, welcomes Colonel Lai Hong Dong, Deputy Director of the Naval Academy and Head of the Vietnamese People’s Navy delegation, during his visit and exchanges with the Royal Thai Navy. Photo: qdnd.vn


“Strategic integration” for development

PV :

Le député Trinh Xuan An a déclaré : « I believe that, in the current context, the principle of “close linkage between economic development and strengthening of national defense and security, and between national defense and security and the economy” remains a fundamental and primordial principle, but its meaning must be deepened and updated. Whereas previously we mainly considered “liaison†in the sense of mutual support, we must now adopt an approach firmly focused on “strategic integration†. This means that economic development must, from the outset, take into account the imperatives of national defense and security, and that, at the same time, national defense and security must create the space and impetus necessary for development. HAS”

In this new context, there are at least a few points that we need to clarify further.

It is first necessary to clarify the imperative of combining rapid growth and secure, sustainable and resilient growth. Setting double-digit growth targets implies a considerable need to mobilize resources, increase investments and develop infrastructure, logistics, energy, data, financial centers and free zones. However, prioritizing speed over security risks creating strategic vulnerabilities. Therefore, the current challenge is not limited to rapid growth; it is also about ensuring strategic autonomy, energy security, data security, supply chain security, financial security and resilience to external shocks.

Second, in the context of a two-tier local government system and the merger of provinces and cities creating new development spaces, the principle of integrating the economy with national defense and security must be further realized in the organization of these spaces. The redistribution of borders, urban areas, transport infrastructures, logistics platforms, seaports, airports, industrial zones, coastal cities or border regions cannot be considered solely from an economic angle, but must imperatively integrate the imperatives of national defense and security. A strategic transport axis must not be limited to the transport of goods, but also guarantee the mobility of forces; an airport or seaport should not only be an engine of growth, but also offer dual functionality and ensure the capacity to respond to emergency situations.

In particular, the creation of new administrative and economic spaces following mergers leads to an increase in the scale of governance, geographical distances and an increase in the complexity of the diversity of the population, the economy and social protection. Therefore, maintaining political stability, order and social security, as well as mobilizing popular support, constitute fundamental elements of development.

Third, we must broaden our conception of national defense and security in the face of the rise of non-traditional threats. Previously, we often associated national defense with the risk of war or direct military conflict. However, today, a cyberattack against electricity networks, finances or demographic data; a pandemic; an energy crisis; an information manipulation campaign; or global logistics disruption can all have serious consequences for social stability and economic growth. Therefore, the integration of the economy with national defense must now encompass strengthening national resilience, risk management and the development of response scenarios to major shocks.

Fourth, in the context of great power competition and unpredictable armed conflicts, the principle of integrating the economy with national defense must be more closely linked to the imperative of maintaining strategic autonomy. An economy that is too integrated and dependent on a single market, supply chain or key technology will present significant strategic risks. Therefore, current economic development must revolve around the diversification of markets, partners, technologies and supply chains; the development of fundamental industries, defense and security industries, and strategic technologies in order to increase the self-sufficiency of the economy.

I believe that, in this new context, the crucial point is to move from a “combination as needed” approach to an “integration from the start” approach. This means that all development strategies, territorial planning, investment policies, organizational structures, strategic infrastructure and resource attraction must be designed to simultaneously serve two objectives: rapid and sustainable development, and the maintenance of defense and security. national security. Only then will strong growth be truly substantial and resilient, and guarantee stable long-term national development.

In the current context, it seems necessary to me to add a very important element: national defense and security are not only “conditions” for development, but must also become a “resource” and an “engine” of development, notably through dual-use technologies, the defense industry, cyber security, strategic infrastructure and defense diplomacy linked to international economic integration.

Significantly innovate methods of addressing non-traditional security issues.

PV :

Le député Trinh Xuan An a déclaré : «“Defense diplomacy must adapt profoundly, both in its thinking and in its methods of implementation.”

It is crucial that defense diplomacy in the area of non-traditional security is not limited to responding to risks, but also constitutes a very effective channel to strengthen the quality, level and capabilities of the country’s armed and defense forces through training, sharing experiences, better coordination, combat operations and management of real situations. At the same time, it also offers the opportunity to consolidate defense relations with partners, strengthen strategic trust and assert the position, prestige and role of the Vietnamese People’s Army within regional and international cooperation mechanisms, particularly in the areas of peacekeeping, humanitarian aid, disaster response and non-traditional security operations.

Modern defense diplomacy is not limited to military cooperation, officer exchanges or the establishment of strategic trust, but must extend to cooperation in cyber security, data protection, maritime security, disaster response, search and rescue, military and civilian healthcare, energy security and strategic infrastructure protection.

For example, cybersecurity and technological competition constitute a new battlefield for many countries. Defense diplomacy must therefore actively promote cooperation in the training of highly qualified personnel, sharing of experiences in the protection of digital infrastructures, early warning of cyber threats and participation in the development of international standards for responsible conduct in cyberspace. But above all, it must aim to strengthen the technological autonomy of the country and avoid any strategic dependence on data, digital platforms or key technologies.

When it comes to energy security, lessons from many recent conflicts show that the disruption of sea lanes, supply chains or energy sources not only has economic consequences, but also poses a challenge to national security. Therefore, defense diplomacy must be closely coordinated with economic diplomacy and energy diplomacy in order to guarantee the security of strategic maritime routes, diversify sources of supply, strengthen cooperation in protection of the maritime security and energy infrastructure, and improve the capacity to respond to external shocks.

Faced with climate change and natural disasters, this area clearly illustrates the humanitarian dimension and the responsibility of modern defense diplomacy. Vietnam is a country strongly affected by rising water levels, extreme weather phenomena and exceptional natural disasters. Therefore, defense cooperation must extend to data sharing, early warning systems, search and rescue operations, humanitarian assistance, peacekeeping, disaster response and building resilience of communities. This not only helps protect people’s safety, but also builds trust and enhances Vietnam’s international prestige.

However, in the face of new threats, a fundamental principle must be respected: defense diplomacy must be fully part of the country’s overall foreign policy, resolutely relying on independence, autonomy, multilateralism and diversification. It must systematically apply the policy of non-interference, without taking sides or distancing itself from issues common to the international community. The spirit of defense diplomacy must be clearly manifested today: flexibility without weakness, open cooperation but based on principles, adaptability while preserving strategic discipline and national interests. In the long term, the crucial issue is to develop a proactive and remote defense capacity against non-traditional threats. It is about not waiting for a crisis to react, but about anticipating, cooperating, strengthening national resilience and building defenses at several levels. In this context, defense diplomacy not only contributes to the protection of sovereignty and territorial integrity, but also becomes an essential tool for guaranteeing the country’s long-term growth, social stability and development space.

“The four no’s”: Vietnam’s vision and resilience

PV :

Le député Trinh Xuan An : In the current global context, where strategic competition between great powers is increasingly fierce, where armed conflicts, trade wars, technological competition and uncertainties are intensifying, maintaining a strategic balance in foreign relations while ensuring higher national interests is a very difficult task, which requires a lot of courage, wisdom and strategic firmness.

In my opinion, there are several essential factors:

Above all, it is essential to firmly stick to an independent and autonomous path, placing national interests above all else, as the fundamental principle of policy-making. The Vietnamese defense policy of “four noes” is not limited to a simple declaration of national defense; it also testifies to deep strategic thinking on foreign policy and national defense in the new context. These “four no’s” allow Vietnam to maintain the necessary balance, to avoid being drawn into a conflictual competition between great powers and to protect itself against any forced strategic choice or any dependence.

It is important to understand, however, that “taking no sides” does not mean neutrality or remaining neutral. Vietnam does not take sides in geopolitical competition, but always prioritizes justice, international law, righteousness and what is consistent with its national interests. This is an essential quality for maintaining balanced relationships with its main partners while preserving a strategic space for development.

Secondly, it is essential to consistently pursue a policy of multilateralism and diversification of international relations, by weaving a vast network of partnerships with overlapping strategic interests with numerous countries and major economic and political centers. The more reliable partners a country has and the deeper its integration into global value chains, trade, technology and security cooperation, the less likely it is to be isolated or vulnerable to external shocks.

Third, we must preserve our internal strategic autonomy. This is essential. No external balance can be sustainable if our internal strength is weak. Strategic autonomy does not mean isolation or self-sufficiency, but the ability to stand firm, adapt and make independent decisions in the face of external changes. This involves building a more independent and autonomous economy; to guarantee energy, food, data and supply chain security; and to develop science and technology, the defense industry and a highly skilled workforce.

Fourth, we must effectively promote “Vietnamese bamboo diplomacy”, the fundamental elements of which are not only flexibility, but also firmness, respect for principles and strategic coherence. Flexibility is necessary to adapt to rapid and unpredictable changes; but the roots must be strong, the trunk robust, which implies an unwavering commitment to national interests, the maintenance of independence and sovereignty, and the refusal to sacrifice fundamental interests for short-term gains.

I believe that in today’s uncertain world, maintaining strategic balance is not about remaining passive, but about actively creating position, strength, confidence and strategic space. When Vietnam maintains its internal stability, has sufficient domestic strength, pursues a flexible and principled foreign policy, and ensures strong and peaceful national defense, then we will be able to guarantee the higher national interests in all circumstances.

Reforming legislative thinking in foreign affairs and defense.

PV :

Le député Trinh Xuan An : From the perspective of someone involved in the development of national defense, security and foreign affairs laws, I believe that the current requirement is not just to “add more regulations”, but more importantly, to innovate in legislative thinking regarding the field of foreign affairs and defense.

Above all, the improvement of the legal framework for defense diplomacy must be part of the overall context of the current law reform policy: laws must truly become development tools, removing obstacles and paving the way for innovation, while ensuring clear authority, clear accountability and clear power control mechanisms.

In the defense and security sector, vague regulations are even more unacceptable; laws can be designed rigorously and flexibly, and adapt quickly to the situation, but the core competencies, coordination mechanisms, resources and responsibilities for implementation must be clearly defined. Furthermore, there is an urgent need, in my opinion, to review and improve the legal system relating to military and defense affairs to harmonize it with the current two-tier local government structure and the reorganization of administrative units. This is a crucial issue, as changes in organizational structure will bring many new requirements regarding the organization of forces, operational mechanisms and distribution of forces. powers.

In particular, it is necessary to thoroughly review the regulations relating to the deployment of regular military officers at the municipal level, the coordination mechanism between the municipal military command and local authorities, the police and other law enforcement agencies, as well as the issues of allocation and use of personnel, training, policies and conditions guaranteeing effectiveness operational. At the same time, it is necessary to review the system of planning and construction of the regional military defense system, national defense works and national defense land funds linked to the new administrative and economic space; to more clearly define the competences of provincial and municipal military agencies, to avoid overlaps and gaps in responsibilities, and to guarantee the synchronization, uniformity and proper functioning of the command and organization of local defense and military missions. I am convinced that a relevant review and adaptation of the legal system will make it possible to restructure military and local defense action according to a more rationalized, standardized and effective approach, meeting the requirements of national defense in the new development context.

Secondly, it is necessary to continue improving the mechanisms of decentralization and delegation of powers in the implementation of defense diplomacy. In the context of the reorganization of territorial communities into a two-tier system of government, with a scope of expanded development and an increased requirement for integration of the economy with defense and security, the law must create the conditions allowing ministries, sectors, territorial authorities and military units to be more proactive in matters of international cooperation, defense exchanges, disaster response, search and rescue, maritime security, cyber security, defense industry and dual-use technologies Decentralization does not mean a relaxation of control, but rather the granting of powers accompanied by standards, conditions, inspections, supervision and accountability mechanisms.

Third, it is essential to create a sufficiently robust financing mechanism for defense diplomacy. To be truly effective, the latter cannot rely solely on judicious policies; it requires adequate financial, human, scientific and technological resources, as well as appropriate policies. A mechanism is necessary to invest in the training of defense diplomacy professionals who are proficient in foreign languages, knowledgeable about international law, new technologies and non-traditional security issues. At the same time, policies are essential to attract experts, develop the defense industry, cyber security, data, artificial intelligence, dual-use technologies and strengthen the capacity to participate in international cooperation mechanisms.

Fourth, the legal framework must create the conditions allowing a closer link between defense diplomacy and socio-economic development as well as international integration. Defense diplomacy must not be limited to national defense missions, but also contribute to the expansion of development spaces, the consolidation of a peaceful and stable environment, the protection of supply chains, strategic infrastructures, energy, data, maritime routes, economic zones, airports, ports and new development areas of the country.

I believe that the fundamental issue is that the law allows us to build a modern and autonomous national defense, capable of broad cooperation but independent of any other nation; an army capable of firmly protecting the Homeland in all circumstances, while actively contributing to the objective of rapid and sustainable development, in particular to the requirement for strong growth, even double-digit growth, in the years to come. Therefore, laws relating to national defense, security and foreign affairs must serve as both a bulwark for the nation and an institutional framework to develop cooperation, mobilize resources and strengthen Vietnam’s position in an ever-changing world and region. unpredictable.

PV :

Source : https://www.qdnd.vn/quoc-phong-an-ninh/xay-dung-quan-doi/can-phai-dat-quoc-phong-an-ninh-doi-ngoai-va-phat-trien-trong-mot-chinh-the-thong-nhat-1041697