In a long article published on Tuesday, April 7, the New York Times reconstructs how, through a series of secret meetings, Donald Trump ended up committing the United States to Israel against Iran. The American newspaper tells of a high-stakes political and military showdown: on one side, a determined Benjamin Netanyahu seeking American support, and on the other, a relatively easy-to-convince Donald Trump, drawn by the promise of a quick, spectacular, and decisive operation. Implicitly, the story reveals a decision made within a very exclusive circle, despite doubts and warnings from the administration.
Journalists Jonathan Swan and Maggie Haberman, authors of a book on the Trump presidency, delve into this sequence. Their account highlights how the American president gradually dismissed the reservations of his advisers to follow his gut instinct and, most importantly, the Israeli reading of the balance of power with Tehran.
It all begins on February 11, just before 11 a.m., with Benjamin Netanyahu’s black SUV entering the White House gates. As the Israeli Prime Minister, who has been pushing for a major offensive against Iran for months, is discreetly escorted inside. The meeting that unfolds is described by the New York Times as a crucial moment in the series of events.
After an initial exchange in the Cabinet Room, Benjamin Netanyahu goes down to the Situation Room for the centerpiece of his visit: a highly confidential presentation on Iran. Donald Trump doesn’t take his usual seat at the head of the table, but instead sits on the side facing the screens. Here, the Israeli Prime Minister unfolds his argument.
Behind Benjamin Netanyahu, screens show David Barnea, head of the Mossad – Israel’s main intelligence service – and several Israeli military officials. Around the table, there are few people: Susie Wiles, Marco Rubio, Pete Hegseth, General Dan Caine, John Ratcliffe, Jared Kushner, and Steve Witkoff. The meeting was intentionally kept small to avoid leaks. Even Vice President J.D. Vance, who was in Azerbaijan at the time, could not attend.
During an hour-long presentation, Benjamin Netanyahu argues that a regime change in Iran is not only desirable but also within reach. He maintains that the Iranian ballistic missile program could be destroyed in a matter of weeks, leaving the regime weakened and unable to block the Strait of Hormuz or seriously threaten American interests in the region. After this presentation, the American president reportedly made a decision in just one sentence, as reported by the New York Times: “That sounds fine to me.” For Benjamin Netanyahu, the response was almost like a green light already given.
The next day, February 12, conclusions were presented at another meeting in the Situation Room, this time solely among American officials. They broke down the Israeli strategy into four objectives: to eliminate Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, degrade Iranian military capabilities, provoke a popular uprising, and establish a pro-American government in Tehran. According to them, the first two goals were plausible, while the latter two were much less so.
John Ratcliffe, the CIA director, summarized the Iranian regime change scenarios presented by the Israelis as “far-fetched,” according to the New York Times. Even though a political change isn’t entirely impossible in a war, the services believed it could not be considered an achievable goal.
J.D. Vance, back from Azerbaijan, also expressed skepticism. He first argued against strikes. Donald Trump then turned to General Dan Caine, who explained that the Israelis tend to “oversell” their plans, amplifying promises because they know they need the United States. While not dismissing the operation, he pointed out its blind spots.
Amidst the uncertainty, Donald Trump seemed focused on one thing. Regime change? He reportedly said, “that will be their problem.” Whether he was referring to the Israelis or the Iranians at that point remained unclear. But one thing was certain: his decision wouldn’t hinge on the feasibility of a popular uprising or regime change. What mattered to him was the rest: taking out key Iranian leaders and reducing Tehran’s military capability.
As the days passed, General Caine warned of major risks. Launching a significant campaign against Iran could deplete American ammunition stocks, already diminished by support to Ukraine and Israel. It would also complicate securing the Strait of Hormuz and expose the U.S. to a global blockage. Despite these concerns, the president continued to believe it would be a swift war.
Within Trump’s inner circle, some still attempted to avert a war. Tucker Carlson, a television commentator close to the president, cautioned against a conflict that could ruin his presidency. Trump reassured him with these words, as per the New York Times report: “I know it worries you, but everything will be fine, because it always is.”
By the end of February, new intelligence altered the situation. Ayatollah Ali Khamenei was expected to appear in public, surrounded by senior Iranian officials. A rare target, perhaps ephemeral. At the same time, Trump left room for one last diplomatic chance while continuing military preparations.
On February 26, a final meeting was held in the Situation Room. Everything had already been thoroughly discussed. J.D. Vance still opposed it but promised to follow through. Marco Rubio drew a line: no regime change, but if the goal was to destroy Iran’s missile program, it was something the U.S. could achieve. Around the table, no one openly opposed the president. The decision now rested with one man.
The decision finally came. “I think we should do it,” said Donald Trump, as recounted by the New York Times. He emphasized two imperatives: preventing Iran from obtaining nuclear weapons and continuing to fire missiles at Israel or in the region. General Caine informed him that there was still some time to decide, until 4 p.m. the following day, February 28.
Yet, Trump didn’t wait that long. On the afternoon of February 28, aboard Air Force One, twenty-two minutes before the deadline, he issued the final order. The New York Times quoted him word for word: “‘Operation Epic Fury is approved. No aborts. Good luck.'”
